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Introduction
to Chapter 7
The Philosophy of
Islamic State
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"The State of Islam is not intended for political
administration only nor for the fulfilment through it of the
collective will of any particular set of people; rather, Islam
places a high ideal before the state for the achievement of which it
must use all the means at its disposal. And this purpose is that the
qualities of purity, beauty, goodness, virtue, success and
prosperity which God wants to flourish in the life of His people
should be engendered and developed and that all kinds of
exploitation, injustice and disorder which, in the sight of God, are
ruinous for the world and detrimental to the life of His creatures,
are suppressed and prevented."
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This chapter deals with the most controversial
issue of the day, which is whether allow Muslims to form Islamic
states on the basic principles of their religion or the Western form
of governance should be imposed on Muslims country after country.
New York Times in its November 14 editorial
clearly appealed to the UN, international community and the US
government to hold Afghans from incorporating any reference to the
Qur'an in their constitution. Similar attempts are underway in
occupied Iraq.
This chapter discusses the basic differences
between the objectives of a state in the Western thought and the
purpose of an Islamic state. Once the concept about the basics is
clear, it is not difficult to understand the requirements and
outcomes of the two different governing mechanisms.
Actually the philosophy behind the principles of
Islam has been ignored or totally sidelined. As a result they seem
to make no sense at all with the present day reality. Clarification
of Islamic principle from this point of view makes this an
interesting chapter of the book.
The author very diligently presents the link
between modern realities and the problems we face -- particularly
the problems that have undermined democracy and other forms of
governance mechanisms -- and shows how solution to all these
problems lies in the seemingly outdated, "medieval" texts.
Besides explaining the principles of Islam, the
author clarifies the widespread misconceptions with regard to an
Islamic rule. For example:
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Contrary to the prevailing misconception
that the ruler and the government are unaccountable in an
Islamic State, what we have in the recorded history is the
fact that an Islamic government is limited not only in
function but in power too. There can never be an absolute
government, because the Shari’ah is always there on
top.
The misconception of unaccountability under
an Islamic system is a reality in the most established
democracy today. It is known as the separation of powers that
refers to the fact that the Framers scattered each type of
national power (legislative, judicial, and executive) among
the various branches of government. For example, the President
has the legislative power of the veto (Article I, Section 7),
the Senate has the executive power of confirming certain
appointments made by the President (Article II, Section 2),
and the Congress and President are checked by judicial review
(Article III, Section 2).14
The separation of powers under a democratic
set up accomplishes several things. First, we see that it is a
continuation of checks. Some of the checks are upon the other
branches as well. One reason for this is that the Framers, as
elites within the private economy, sought mainly to protect
their individual freedom as property owners from State
intrusion. Therefore, they checked the legislative branch as
well as the other branches through the separation of powers to
ensure protection from a "misguided" executive (which very
well could be an executive responding to the demands of the
people). The point is that as the national government was
purposely made inefficient, it would leave private power or
the power of business or corporate elites untouched. As
Charles Beard points out, "None of the powers conferred by the
Constitution on Congress permits a direct attack on property."
Thus Madison argued in Federalist No. 51, "The constant
aim is to divide and arrange the several offices in such a
manner as that each may be a check on the other - that the
private interest of every individual may be a sentinel over
the public rights."15
According to Jerry Fresia: "The check upon
the executive branch by the legislative branch is not like the
check by the other branches upon the legislative. It is not
distrust or an indictment of the virtue and wisdom of a class
of poor people. It is a simple distrust of the government or
public power and a belief that private or what we today would
call corporate power or business is virtuous. Clearly, fear of
the ability of common people to work their way through the
legislature was far greater than the potential tyranny of the
President."
To the contrary, it is the right of the
common people to censure the head of the State and all the
officials and governors under an Islamic form of governance.
It is an important function of the shura to ensure that
the ruler conforms to the Book of Allah. The nation must
remain conscious that it has to obey Allah, not the whims and
fancies of the men in top positions. The essential dictum
being that there is "no loyalty unto the created which
involves disloyalty unto the Creator". (Bukhari) ... |
The author moves on
to discuss other misconceptions, such as that Allah’s sovereignty
and the necessity of obedience to the Prophet leaves no room for
freedom and human legislation in an Islamic State and opposition to
popular sovereignty.
The author discusses
the philosophy behind obligation of individuals, rulers and state
from the Islamic perspective. |
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Copyright 2002. Pragmatic Publishing, Canada. All rights reserved
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